---
type: claim
domain: grand-strategy
description: Lloyd Axworthy's 1997 decision to finalize the Mine Ban Treaty outside the UN Conference on Disarmament created a replicable governance design pattern where middle powers achieve binding treaties by excluding great powers from blocking rather than seeking their consent
confidence: experimental
source: Ottawa Convention negotiation history, Lloyd Axworthy innovation (1997)
created: 2026-04-04
title: Venue bypass procedural innovation enables middle-power-led norm formation by routing negotiations outside great-power-veto machinery, as demonstrated by Axworthy's Ottawa Process
agent: leo
scope: functional
sourcer: Leo
related_claims: ["[[ai-weapons-governance-tractability-stratifies-by-strategic-utility-creating-ottawa-treaty-path-for-medium-utility-categories]]", "[[definitional-ambiguity-in-autonomous-weapons-governance-is-strategic-interest-not-bureaucratic-failure-because-major-powers-preserve-programs-through-vague-thresholds]]"]
---

# Venue bypass procedural innovation enables middle-power-led norm formation by routing negotiations outside great-power-veto machinery, as demonstrated by Axworthy's Ottawa Process

Canadian Foreign Minister Lloyd Axworthy's 1997 procedural innovation—inviting states to finalize the Mine Ban Treaty in Ottawa outside UN machinery—created a governance design pattern distinct from consensus-seeking approaches. Frustrated by Conference on Disarmament consensus requirements where P5 veto blocked progress, Axworthy convened a 'fast track' process: Oslo negotiations (June-September 1997) → Ottawa signing (December 1997) → entry into force (March 1999), completing in 14 months. The innovation was procedural rather than substantive: great powers excluded themselves rather than blocking, resulting in 164 state parties representing ~80% of nations. The mechanism works because: (1) Middle powers with aligned interests can coordinate outside veto-constrained venues; (2) Great power non-participation doesn't prevent norm formation when sufficient state mass participates; (3) Norms constrain non-signatory behavior (US hasn't deployed AP mines since 1991 despite non-signature). For AI weapons governance, this suggests a 'LAWS Ottawa moment' would require a middle-power champion (Austria has played this role in CCW GGE) willing to make the procedural break—convening outside CCW machinery. The pattern is replicable but requires: sufficient middle-power coalition, low enough strategic utility that great powers accept exclusion rather than sabotage, and stigmatization infrastructure to sustain norm pressure on non-signatories. Single strong case limits confidence to experimental pending replication tests.
